Authors:
Historic Era: Era 2: Colonization and Settlement (1585-1763)
Historic Theme:
Subject:
October 1998 | Volume 49, Issue 6
Authors:
Historic Era: Era 2: Colonization and Settlement (1585-1763)
Historic Theme:
Subject:
October 1998 | Volume 49, Issue 6
If the 20th century has taught us anything about economics, it is that free markets work better than any other kind. Heaven knows that virtually every possible substitute has been tried in the eighty years since World War I ended, and they have, without exception, failed to work. Indeed, the more they have departed from the free market model, the more they have failed to create wealth and improve living standards.
There’s a very simple reason free markets work. They automatically send signals—billions of them every day—to buyers and sellers alike, keeping them informed about supply and demand. The buyers and sellers then adjust their own actions, and these in turn affect the supply and demand. This all-pervasive economic feedback mechanism acts something like the governor on a steam engine, making the market run smoothly, while it helps allocate resources with an efficiency no bureaucracy could hope to match.
To illustrate the importance of this web of signals, let me suggest a thought experiment in which the web breaks down. Suppose a local supermarket served a thousand families. One day its management decides to try a new system. Instead of every customer paying for groceries as they are purchased, the expenses are pooled, and at the end of the month, each family gets a bill of a thousandth of the total. What would then happen?
For one thing, many of the signals that prices send would be blunted. In a normal supermarket, if the price of, say, oranges suddenly soars because of a frost in Florida, many buyers will switch to something else. But with the price increase spread among the thousand families, there would be little incentive to give up fresh oranges for frozen juice or Texas grapefruit. And, as individual buying decisions would have only a very limited impact on individual monthly bills, the incentive to be frugal in order to save money for some other, nonfood purpose would vanish.
Of course, everyone comes to exactly the same conclusion, and the inevitable result is a sudden, sharp, and continuing escalation of total food costs for all the families involved. To be sure, the supermarket here is only theoretical, but this was exactly how the country, in very large measure, paid for routine health care for many years. Only instead of each family’s paying its share of the communal bill, they sent the bills to their employers instead. Since buyers cared not at all about medical costs, sellers, such as doctors and hospitals, were only too happy to increase them, year after year.
This is an example of what happens when costs are “socialized”—in other words, spread among everyone, rather than borne by the individual. But what happens when, instead of costs, the ownership of resources is socialized? The result very often is what economists call “the tragedy of the commons.” The name derives from the old common land that medieval peasants used to pasture cattle, gather berries and nuts, drive swine, and such.
The problem