Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. (February 1970 | Volume: 21, Issue: 2)

Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr.

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February 1970 | Volume 21, Issue 2

Arthur M. Schlesmger, Jr., Albert Schweitzer Professor of Humanities at the City University of New York, is one of the most prolific, highly regarded, and controversial of all American historians. The Age of Jackson, The Age of Roosevelt (3 vols, to date, ig$j-6o), and A Thousand Days: John F. Kennedy in the White House are his best-known works. Professor Schlesmger has also, however, maintained a continuing interest in politics and public affairs, having served as a special assistant to President Kennedy and written extensively about current politics. In this portion of his conversation with Dr. Garraty he discusses the domestic-policy records of the Presidents from Truman to Johnson, and the changing nature of the Presidency itself.


PROFESSOR GARRATY: Putting aside his role in international relations, how would you rate Truman as a President? He certainly considered himself a disciple of franklin Roosevelt. In what ways was he different from Roosevelt as a political leader and as a Chief Executive?



PROFESSOR SCHLESINGER: Truman was an authentic disciple of Roosevelt; his Fair Deal was an effort to consolidate, systematize, and extend the New Deal. As an executive he was much more orderly than Roosevelt. He lacked Roosevelt’s relish for confused, competitive administrative situations, as well as his capacity to manage people of diverse ideas and conflicting personalities. Truman’s government was organized in a much tighter way, and his program was less internally contradictory than Roosevelt’s. Of course the country was not nearly in the state of emergency that it was in Roosevelt’s time. Truman was not under pressure to do a lot of things at once. On the other hand, because the situation seemed less urgent, he had great difficulty in getting Congress to go along with anything he wanted in domestic affairs.

Yet, in spite of that, Truman drew up what has been generally recognized as the agenda for liberal action for some time to come. His Civil Rights Commission of 1946 established civil rights as a national peacetime issue. … Similarly, Oscar Ewing’s plan for medical care, although still not enacted, led to the Kennedy-Johnson Medicare plan. Truman’s Secretary of Agriculture, [Charles F.] Brannan, made an effort to get at the farm problem by shifting the emphasis from the support of prices to the support of income, again a very fertile idea, which has only been applied in a limited way. Truman tried in these ways to push forward the New Deal program. …

His Fair Deal came to frustration also because of Truman’s weaknesses. As Elmer Davis used to say, Truman was good on the big things and bad on the small ones; his tolerance of improper behavior by men in his administration, the exposure of scandals in various departments, and so on, tarnished and further complicated the prospects of the Fair Deal.